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Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti
Updated: 18 min 9 sec ago
After a mayor and his associates murdered the brother of a human rights worker in Les Irois, Haiti in 2007, justice has finally been served. The mayor, Jean Morose Viliena, and other defendants have been found guilty of violent crimes and have been sentenced to seven years in prison. BAI has been supporting victims in the case since 2012.Justice has been upheld in Haiti as Court finds former Mayor guilty of violent crimes
Sigrid Rausing Trust
28 July 2015
21st July 2015: After 8 years of fighting for justice, the Court in Haiti has found former Mayor of the small town of Les Irois, Jean Morose Viliena, guilty of violent crimes. In 2007, he and several associates broke into the Boniface family home where they murdered Eccliasiaste Boniface because his brother David, a human rights worker, had helped a women file a complaint against the Mayor for harassment. They were also responsible for sending death threats, burning down houses, beating and shooting people.
The Mayor had connections in the political and justice system of Haiti and therefore the case has come up against repeated obstacles. Bureau Des Avocats Internationaux (BAI), partner of SRT grantee Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH), began supporting victims in 2012. After a long and difficult process, a trial was set for April 2015 but was postponed after BAI announced there would be international legal observers present at the trial. After more delays the trial finally started in early July and resulted in the judge sentencing the defendants to 7 years in jail. Viliena has not yet been arrested but police have instructions to jail him as soon as he is found.
This case will bring peace of mind to many courageous people and their families, many of whom were threatened and forced to flee their communities and hide. It also establishes a precedent that political violence can be prosecuted despite the perpetrators’ power and connections. This is of particular importance with Haiti currently preparing to run elections for a number of Senate seats.
Following the Court’s decision, our grantee partners spoke with David Boniface by phone. He said “I thank all of you for your support and hard work throughout this process. I congratulate you on a job well done. It is the first time that I have seen something like this happen, from the beginning to the end, we worked hard and we won. Thank you for keeping me alive”.
Click HERE for the original article.
The UN Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent has released the following statement urging the Dominican government not to deport people of Haitian descent. The group currently at risk of deportation from DR includes not only Haitian migrants but also many people who, up until 2013 were considered Dominican citizens. The head of the expert panel stresses that DR “cannot violate international norms or those of the inter-American system of human rights protection, and especially not violate its own Constitution.”Dominican Republic: UN experts concerned over fears of arbitrary deportation and racial profiling
United Nations Human Rights Office
July 28, 2015
GENEVA (28 July 2015) – The United Nations Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent today called on the Government of the Dominican Republic to take steps to prevent arbitrary deportations and to adopt measures to address allegations of racial profiling during deportations of people of Haitian descent.
Some 19,000 people have reportedly left Dominican Republic for Haiti since 21 June due to fear and amidst concerns that there will be violations when deportations officially start in August.
“No one should be deported when there are legal and valid reasons to stay,” said human rights expert Mireille Fanon Mendes-France, who currently heads the expert panel. “Migrants are entitled to protection and Dominicans of Haitian descent have the right to reside safely in the territory, as well as children born in the Dominican Republic who are legally registered,”
“The Dominican Republic cannot violate international norms or those of the inter-American system of human rights protection, and especially not violate its own Constitution,” she emphasized.
The expert warned that the difficulties in obtaining necessary documents to register for the naturalization and regularization process, the lack of information on the deportation plan, and the deportations “have instilled fear, resulting in a situation whereby people of Haitian descent without documents are also leaving to avoid abrupt deportations.”
The Working Group reiterated its call* on the Dominican authorities to put in place effective and transparent legislation and other measures to successfully fight the discrimination and social exclusion faced mostly by Haitian migrants and people of Haitian descent in the country.
“The Dominican Republic does not recognize the existence of a structural problem of racism and xenophobia, but it must address these issues as a matter of priority so the country can live free from tension and fear,” Ms. Mendes-France stressed.
(*) Read: “UN experts urge Dominican Republic to restore citizenship for those born in the country but not registered at birth” –
The Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent was established on 25 April 2002 by the then Commission on Human Rights, following the World Conference against Racism held in Durban in 2001. The Working Group is composed of five independent experts serving in their personal capacities: Ms. Mireille FANON-MENDES-FRANCE (France), current Chair-Rapporteur; Ms. Verene SHEPHERD (Jamaica); Mr. Sabelo Gumedze (South Africa); Mr. Ricardo A. SUNGA III (the Philippines) and Mr. Michal BALCERZAK (Poland). Learn more, visit:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Racism/WGAfricanDescent/Pages/WGEPADIndex.aspx
The Working Groups are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.
Check the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx
UN Human Rights, country page – Dominican Republic: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/LACRegion/Pages/DOIndex.aspx
For more information and media requests, please contact Niraj Dawadi (+41 22 928 9151 / email@example.com), Christina Saunders (+41 22 928 9197 / firstname.lastname@example.org) or write to email@example.com
For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / firstname.lastname@example.org)
Click HERE for the original release.
The UN Security Council (UNSC) recently conducted a review of MINUSTAH. Below are the Women, Peace and Security Working Group’s recommendations on Haiti to the UNSC.
Click HERE for the full report, including recommendations on other countries.MONTHLY ACTION POINTS: Women, Peace and Security
July 27, 2015
As the Council considers a report on the UN mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) it is vital for the Council to call for women’s full and equal engagement in building Haiti’s future. This is particularly important in view of increasing threats and harassment against women-led civil society organizations, particularly against those calling for justice for sexual and gender-based violence. Options for reconfiguration of MINUSTAH must detail the ways in which gender will be mainstreamed and how women’s participation and protection will be at the core of the mission’s mandate. In this respect, in its discussion of the report and any future action, the Council should:
-Call on MINUSTAH to take steps to provide and coordinate substantive legal and sensitivity trainings for police officers, prosecutors, judges and other relevant Government officials who may interact with survivors of gender-based violence, including violence motivated by gender, sexual orientation or gender identity.
-Ensure the availability of gender-sensitive assistance services for survivors of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by UN Peacekeepers, including the establishment of transparent, survivor-centered and readily accessible mechanisms to hear claims for remedies from survivors of SEA;
-Call for remedies for victims of cholera, including compensation in accordance with Res. 52/247 and work with the Haitian Government to establish a standing claims commission in accordance with the UN-Haiti SOFA to provide fair, impartial and transparent adjudication of cholera victims’ claims.
Click HERE for the full report, including recommendations on other countries.
Local community leaders are bringing the debate about the DR crisis closer to home; influential Dominican Americans in Boston face tremendous backlash for speaking out about the DR’s controversial policies. Writer and MIT professor Junot Diaz, vice mayor of Cambridge Dennis Benzan and restaurant owner Hector Piña have been deemed traitors by some, receiving threats to their careers and physical safety after a Boston TV host posted a picture of the three men. The intense criticism of these individuals captures the contention surrounding the DR’s citizenship laws and possible deportations, both on the island of Hispaniola and among local diaspora communities.
Part of the article is below. Click HERE for the full article.In local Dominican community, debate on racism boiling
Maria Sacchetti, The Boston Globe
July 27, 2015
They are among the pillars of the Dominican community in Massachusetts: Junot Diaz, the Pulitzer Prize-winning writer and professor at MIT; Dennis Benzan, the vice mayor of Cambridge; and Hector Piña, the owner of a Boston restaurant.
But in recent weeks the men have been assailed as traitors against their country, and worse, for criticizing the Dominican Republic’s citizenship policies toward people of Haitian descent and engaging in a thorny debate over racism.
Some called for Diaz to be charged with treason. Others vowed to oppose Benzan in the coming elections. Another allegedly brandished a baseball bat at Piña.
“Imagine your mother telling you, ‘I don’t love you anymore,’” said Benzan, whose uncle was a general in the Dominican Army. “That’s kind of how I feel.”
Click HERE for the original article.
In anticipation of formal deportations from the Dominican Republic after being stripped of citizenship, many have fled to settlement camps along the Haiti-DR border. Leaving behind families, livelihoods, and homes for the tents of the camps, most are forced to rely on small amounts of savings as they wait for the government to step in and help.
Part of the article is below. Click HERE for the full article.Fleeing to Haiti, They Put Their Faith in ‘God and Government’
Peter Granitz, NPR
27 July 2015
Marie Etyse left two of her children behind.
She’s 29, a widow and has five kids. She has lived in a town in the Dominican Republic for the past nine years.
Like many Haitian migrants, she faces deportation after a law stripped her of her citizenship. Formal deportation could start as early as Aug. 1, so many of these people have already fled to settlement camps in Haiti, which shares the island of Hispaniola with the DR.
Etyse tried to get the required papers to stay in the country.
“All the people in the process kept asking for money,” she says. “They ask for money for the papers, and then the papers are no good.”
So three months ago, she went to live in a camp at Tete de l’Eau.
And she said goodbye to her two young kids — temporarily, she hopes. They’re staying with the family of her deceased husband.
“I couldn’t travel back with all of them,” she says.
At Tete de l’Eau, she stands on the bank of a bone-dry riverbed. It hasn’t rained in 10 months. That rocky river bottom is the international border. And people walk back and forth. It’s one of the countless unofficial crossings along the 230-mile line that separates Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
Etyse had lived just five miles past the riverbed, in a town called Black Water.
Everybody in Tete de l’Eau — currently about 400 people — has been here for at least three to six months. Most of them farmed in the Dominican Republic. But with no water or available land in the Southeast Department of Haiti, where the camp is located, that’s not an option.
Charlesina Lyone thumbs the bowl of her pipe as she explains how she and her husband are living on their paltry savings. She says they’re waiting on two things: God and the government.
“If we have one pot of rice, we’ll separate it in two,” she says. “We’ll make it last twice as long.”
There are at least four settlements in the southeast. A handful of NGOs register people, and the parish hands out food and blankets when it can.
Click HERE for the full article and audio.
Sunday, July 26, 2015
Mass deportation of Haitians from Dominican Republic
On July 6, Radio France International – RFI — reported that since June 17, 2015, more than 30 000 people have arrived in Haiti from the Dominican Republic. Every day, dozens of illegal immigrants are expelled forcibly from the Dominican Republic. The majority are women and children. Upon their arrival in Haiti, these people live in extremely precarious conditions in improvised shelters.
Francois Guillaume II, former Minister of Haitians Living Abroad
Chantalle Verna, PhD, Florida International University
Ariol Eugene, Esq., Haitian Lawyers Association
Haiti Journal is produced in association with the Haitian American Professionals Coalition (HAPC).
Post your comments and watch Haiti Journal online at: www.wpbt2.org/haitijournal
Though the Dominican Republic (DR) government claims that there have been no deportations to Haiti since December 2013, people of Haitian descent who fled DR say otherwise. Many decided to leave after receiving threats, harassment and other intimidation. The International Organization for Migration found that many were deported by entities including the military, immigration officials and even civilians. While DR says that the regularization and naturalization plans it implemented are efforts to fix a broken immigration system, both programs required paperwork that was impossible for poor Dominicans and Haitians to obtain. The Haitian Prime Minister warned that the deportations–if tehy still take place–will also result in a humanitarian crisis, as Haiti doesn’t have the capacity to support the 200,000 or so at risk of deportation.Haitian migrants allege deportation, but DR disputes claims
Matt Chandler, Al Jazeera
July 24, 2015
ANSE-À-PITRES, Haiti — Joanis Beaunis says he was deported. Sitting in a makeshift tent he built from tree branches and old cardboard in a camp just outside the Haitian border town of Anse-à-Pitres, the 30-year-old describes how his life has been turned upside down.
“I was born in the Dominican Republic,” he says. “I was coming home from work and immigration authorities grabbed me and deported me to Haiti. My children are still on the other side. It’s been two months since I last saw them.”
His wife Antonia Jane looks lost in her new environment. There is little to do except wait in the intense heat. Food and water arrive sporadically. She and Joanis share the few clothes and shoes they have. Friends they have spoken to only once since they arrived are looking after their children. She says there are many just like them who have been forced to leave the Dominican town where they lived.
“Every day in Barahona they’re deporting a lot of people. Every day they send them to the border,” she says.
The sprawling camp sits on dry, rocky land. Everywhere there are signs of new arrivals. Plots of land are drawn with lines on the ground. Inside the lines stand the wooden skeletons of homes built by hand with nothing more than a machete, string and sweat. They won’t withstand the rainy season when it comes.
Toussaint Eugene, a pastor who oversees the camp, says he has stopped counting the new arrivals. “In the first days I made a list of 160. And every day the number is growing more and more,” Eugene says.
The majority of those living in the camp say they left the Dominican Republic voluntarily, but because they faced harassment, intimidation and racial discrimination. A few say they were threatened they would be killed if they stayed. But others like Joanis are adamant they didn’t choose to come to Haiti.
The Dominican government disputes those accounts. It says no one has been deported since a June 17 deadline passed for foreign workers to apply to stay.
“Since President Danilo Medina decreed a moratorium in December 2013, no deportations have occurred,” Josué Fiallo, special advisor to the Dominican ministry of the presidency, told Al Jazeera. “Individuals who have voluntarily left the Dominican Republic are entitled to return and apply for residential status.”
Both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have cited cases of deportations since the Dominican government’s 2013 moratorium.
Asked when deportations would begin, Fiallo said the government would continue to implement its immigration rules.
“No one born in the Dominican Republic will be deported and no one who holds or is entitled to legal Dominican nationality will be deprived of it. Each case will be determined on an individual basis. We are not going to repatriate unaccompanied minors, elders or people undergoing medical treatment,” he said.
The Dominican government estimates that 42,000 people have voluntarily left for Haiti. It isn’t clear how that number has been calculated. As well as the handful of official border crossings, there are numerous unofficial points where people cross back and forth.
The strain in relations between the two nations that share the island of Hispaniola has worsened as each government has given contrasting accounts of what is happening. Haiti’s foreign minister Lener Renauld accused Dominican authorities of dumping undocumented Haitians at the border “like dogs.”
That’s been rejected by the Dominican authorities.
In the last few weeks, field teams from the International Organization for Migration have interviewed 1,133 individuals or 349 households at nine official and unofficial points in Haiti along the Dominican border. A majority said they had chosen to go to Haiti, while over 400 — more than a third — said they had been deported by entities including the military, police, immigration officials and civilians. They said they were deported in June and July.
After he had visited two camps near Anse-à-Pitres as part of a four-day trip to the Dominican Republic and Haiti, the head of a mission from the Organization of American States, Francisco Guerrero, pointedly refused to say whether he believed some living in the camps he visited had been deported from the Dominican Republic.
“I wouldn’t like to make a specific comment now because I’m going to write a report and it’s essential the report remains objective and impartial otherwise I could create more problems that I’m trying to solve,” Guerrero told Al Jazeera.
He did, however, call for dialogue.
“I think it’s going to be extremely important that the two governments settle on a mechanism in order to discuss all these claims between the two countries. One thing I have learned during this visit is that you see one version on the Dominican Republic side and another version in what’s happening in Haiti,” he said.
It was a ruling by the constitutional court in the Dominican Republic in 2013 that controversially stripped people born in the Dominican Republic of citizenship if they don’t have at least one Dominican parent. That led to international criticism and concerns these people could be made stateless.
In the days after the immigration deadline passed in June, Adrian Edwards from UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, said, “With a stateless population in the Dominican Republic estimated at more than 200,000 people, the consequences of expulsion could be devastating.”
Eight thousand managed to enroll in the government’s so-called “naturalization plan.” Some others resorted to trying to obtain a Haitian passport so they might register as a foreign worker and stay in the land of their birth.
It’s unknown how many foreign, undocumented workers live and work in the Dominican Republic — estimates put the number in excess of half a million — but it is known that the vast majority are Haitian. According to the Dominican government 240,000 migrant workers began the registration process. Critics of the government say it is the thriving Dominican economy that will suffer as well as the individuals.
“The fear is that farming, construction and other fundamental sectors depend on Haitian workers,” said Guadalupe Valdez, a Dominican congresswoman. “The business sector is very worried.”
On a construction site in the Dominican capital Santo Domingo, one undocumented Haitian laborer — with no plans to leave — told Al Jazeera some are paid as little as $6 dollars a day. “We do the jobs Dominicans won’t,” he said.A youth plays with a truck made from a vegetable oil bottle and bottle caps outside a school building where residents have allowed families deported from the Dominican Repblic to stay, in the village of Fonbaya, Haiti, in June, 18, 2015.Rebecca Blackwell/AP
A majority of Dominicans support the measures their government is taking. Asked why the number of undocumented foreign workers needs to be reduced, Dominican government spokesperson Josué Fiallo said, “On the island of Hispaniola, home to Haiti and the Dominican Republic, the documentation and citizenship policies of both countries were weak and largely not enforced. Because of this reality, hundreds of thousands of people on Hispaniola — mainly in Haiti — did not have clear residency status or citizenship documents.”
“While we cannot undo the past,” Fiallo continued, “the Dominican government is addressing a broken system that for decades left large groups of its population, both citizens and migrants, undocumented and vulnerable. In 2015, hundreds of thousands of people will have documentation and rights in our country that they did not have two years ago. This is a large step forward for human rights in our region.”
Valdez agrees that those who have successfully registered should enjoy greater rights. However she sharply criticized the immigration programs put in place, arguing that gathering the required paperwork was simply too expensive for poor workers.
At another camp near the border in the town of Malpasse, those who have arrived in recent weeks are desperate. Frank Doceby was a construction worker for 20 years in the Dominican Republic. He moved there as a boy. Now his home is a school, another makeshift camp. Four rooms house up to 100 people.
“I just need help to find somewhere to live and to find work. We are waiting and praying but there is no solution yet,” Doceby says. When school begins again, everyone will have to leave.
Many at the school are as critical of the Haitian government as they are of the Dominican one. Just a few miles down the road is one of a half-dozen sites nationwide where the Haitian government promised it would build reception centers to receive new arrivals “with dignity.” So far the only thing it has built is a sign welcoming the “repatriated.”
After another prayer session at the school, Velda Charles explains how after repeated efforts she finally enrolled in the Dominican immigration program. She spent what for her was a fortune — nearly $200 — to have her documents notarized by a lawyer. But she says she was deported anyway. She blames the Haitian consul in Barahona.
“I went three times to apply for my Haitian passport so I could also register my children. I couldn’t get the passport or register them. They don’t have any documents,” Charles says. She’s worried she’ll be permanently separated from her children who are still in the Dominican Republic. She says there is no support from the Haitian government: “We’ve received nothing from them.”
The Haitian government didn’t respond to numerous requests for an interview.
Haitian Prime Minister Evans Paul has warned that a humanitarian crisis is being created in a country in which an estimated 80,000 displaced people are still living in tents five years after a devastating earthquake.
As he toured the Anse-à-Pitres camps, Frantz Pierre-Louis, a Haitian official who accompanied the OAS mission and represents the southeast region, told Al Jazeera he hoped this moment would lead the Haitian government to create longterm sustainable development.
“We must assume our responsibility to our people. It will take a national effort to do so,” he said. After hearing the stories of those in the camps, he believes those who had come voluntarily had only done so because they had been harassed and put under extreme pressure to leave, what he refers to as “forced deportation through society.” He believes it is an orchestrated campaign. Responding to those claims, Josué Fiallo from the Dominican government told Al Jazeera, “We condemn these actions. The government has issued specific orders that officials must respect the rights of everyone residing in the Dominican Republic as they seek to document and regularize their status. Sanctions will be made against anyone who has engaged in coercion or intimidation.”
Pierre-Louis said it would require mediation from other countries throughout the Americas to stop the situation from deteriorating further. It’s unclear what action the Dominican government will take once the Aug. 1 deadline passes to complete the paperwork for those who registered in the immigration programs. That uncertainty is creating anxiety.
“There is little information on when and how many deportations will take place,” said Gregoire Goodstein, chief of mission in Haiti for the International Organization for Migration. “This puts Haiti — an already fragile state coping concomitantly with a drought in the southeast, elections, a downsized MINUSTAH [the U.N. mission in Haiti] — in an awkward position as planning to receive possibly thousands of returnees is virtually impossible.
Click HERE for the original article.
Le Conseil électoral provisoire et le gouvernement ont adopté une nouvelle formule pour partager les 500 millions de gourdes des fonds de campagne qui sont disponible. Cependant, les partis politiques sont en désaccord avec la façon dont l’argent est distribué. Ils croient que les partis plus proches au pouvoir vont recevoir la majorité de l’argent, et que cette distribution est une violation du décret électoral.
Partie de l’article est ci-dessous. Cliquez ICI pour le texte complet.Les partis rejettent la formule adoptée
Lionel Edouard, Le National
24 juillet, 2015
Le Conseil électoral provisoire et le gouvernement ont annoncé via le ministre chargé auprès du Premier ministre des Questions électorales, Jean Fritz Jean Louis, une formule pour distribuer les 500 millions de gourdes destinées à financer la campagne électorale. Trente pour cent iront aux 120 entités politiques agréées, 20 % aux candidats à la présidence inscrits sous la bannière d’un parti, 20 % aux candidats agréés aux municipales et locales, 10 % aux candidats aux sénatoriales, 10 % aux candidats à la députation et l’autre 10 % aux partis ayant le plus de candidats féminins, le plus de candidats universitaires et le plus de candidats ayant un handicap. Déjà, la grogne monte de la classe politique pour dénoncer cette formule qui, affirment certains concernés, favorisent les candidats pro-pouvoir.
Les critères fixés pour la distribution des 500 millions de gourdes aux partis, groupements et regroupements politiques engagés dans les élections pour le financement de la campagne, bien qu’inspirés du décret électoral en vigueur, posent problèmes. Certaines entités politiques ne partagent pas l’avis du Conseil électoral provisoire (CEP) et du gouvernement. Leaders et candidats dénoncent déjà cette méthode et y voient une ultime manœuvre du pouvoir pour fausser le cours des élections.
« Cela ne nous intéresse pas ! » C’est la réponse de Sauveur Pierre Étienne à la question de savoir si l’Organisation du peuple en lutte (OPL), son parti, est informé de la formule adoptée par le CEP et le gouvernement pour distribuer les fonds destinés au financement de la campagne électorale. Les manœuvres dilatoires qui s’opèrent à travers la distribution de ces fonds frustrent. Cet argent est un outil politique entre les mains du pouvoir, pour Sauveur Pierre Etienne, qui croit qu’en attribuant aussi tard ces fonds aux partis politiques, ceux-ci n’auront pas le temps de les utiliser, alors que les candidats proches du pouvoir utilisent les biens de l’État, en toute impunité et mènent campagne.
Cliquez ICI pour le texte original.
Despite the Dominican government’s claims that it has not begun deporting illegal immigrants or natives born in the DR to foreign parents, interviews on the ground say otherwise. Human rights groups state that individuals are being left at the border, while others flee the country to escape growing xenophobia and violence. Additionally, IJDH staff attorney Nicole Phillips notes that the Dominican government’s flawed registration process may actually help identify unregistered individuals living in the DR. Tensions are high as August – when the Dominican government plans to start officially deporting people – looms closer and the fate of the island remains uncertain.
Part of the article is below. Click HERE for the full text.“Haitian Devil, Go to Your Country”
Joshua Keating, Slate
July 22, 2015
FOND PARISIEN, Haiti—André Joseph recalls that his crops were almost ready to harvest the night a group of men armed with guns attacked his home in Neiba, in the southwestern Dominican Republic, driving him and his family out into the fields. Life in Neiba wasn’t always easy for Joseph—he remembers waking up at 5 a.m. for 14-hour days in the fields—but 40 years after arriving in the Dominican Republic, he had built a life and a comfortable home for his wife and 15-year-old son. All that disappeared that night, about one month ago. After camping out at a neighboring farm, he appealed to the police to help him regain his home. Instead, they put him on a bus to Haiti, the country where he was born but hadn’t seen since he was 12 years old. “I lost 40 years of work just because I’m not Dominican,” he says.
I spoke with Joseph on a recent Friday afternoon in a converted schoolhouse in Fond Parisien, 8 miles from the Dominican border, where he is living with about 50 other recent arrivals in Haiti, including dozens of children born on the other side of the border. Conditions at the school are grim. A few of the residents have thin mattresses, but many sleep on the ground. On the day I visited, an infant slept wrapped in a dirty blanket on the schoolroom floor, and a woman hung laundry from cactus growing behind the schoolhouse. Local religious groups provide food, but some days there’s none available.
…Click HERE for the original article.
In a recent press release, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) investigated and found that 408 people has been deported from the Dominican Republic to Haiti. Following a statement from U.S. Special Coordinator for Haiti Thomas Adams which said that deportations hadn’t yet begun, the IOM replaced the press release with one that mentioned no deportations. Instead, the new release talked about “returns” to Haiti. This article investigates what may have motivated these changes.
Part of the article is below. Click HERE for the full text.Deportations from the Dominican Republic: The IOM Changes its Tune
Haiti: Relief and Reconstruction Watch, Center for Economic and Policy Research
July 22, 2015
On July 14, 2015, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) released a statement regarding the situation on the Haiti-Dominican Republic border. The IOM interviewed some 1,133 individuals who had crossed the border between June 16 and July 3, finding that “408 persons (or 36.0 per cent) said that they had been deported by different entities, including the military, police, immigration officials and civilians.” These findings directly contradicted statements from the Dominican Republic and U.S. officials that no deportations had occurred.
However, within two days the press release was pulled from the IOM website and on July 21, IOM issued a new press release making no mention of deportations.
U.S. Special Coordinator for Haiti Thomas Adams, testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on July 15, 2015, stated, “They — they [the Dominican Republic] have assured us that there will be no mass deportations and none have begun yet.” He added: “There were reports of others that when they investigated, they found out that they weren’t — they weren’t really deportees.” A day later the IOM press release had been pulled from the website.
Click HERE for the full text.
North Miami, Florida has the largest Haitian population in the U.S. This past week, the city’s elected officials called a press conference to voice their anger over the Dominican Republic’s actions and the Obama administration’s silence over the issue. They emphasized the direct link between the ongoing crisis in the Dominican Republic and experiences in the States, as North Miami residents’ family and friends will likely be affected. The city council also unanimously approved a resolution to urge President Obama, Vice President Biden and Secretary of State Kerry to publicly acknowledge the human rights abuses and to utilize political and economic leverage to remedy the situation.
Janey Tate, The Miami Times
July 22, 2015
North Miami elected officials are calling out the Dominican Republic for the act of approving a law that will make citizens of Haitian descent be deported if they cannot prove their Dominican ethnicity. The city council is also calling out the Obama Administration for keeping silent on the matter they call a human rights issue.
The charge, led by councilman Alix Desulme, is to bring attention to matter happening on the island nation, where the councilman and many of North Miami residents have family and friends who will be affected.
On Thursday morning, July 16, Mayor Smith Joseph, Vice Mayor Carol Keys, and council members Scott Galvin, Phillipe Bien-Aime, and Desulme, held a press conference on the plaza in front of the Museum Of Contemporary Art to speak on the issue.
BAI and IJDH work to protect the right of Haitians to select their government through fair elections. A key aspect of that work is ensuring that the international community has credible information about Haiti’s political situation. In our July 21 web conference, Jacqueline Charles, Jake Johnston, and Wesley Lainé analyzed the key issues currently being discussed in Haitian and international media. Afterwards, we answered participants’ questions. Below is the outline for the webinar.
Click HERE for the full text.
IJDH Webinar on Elections in Haiti
July 21, 2015
-Jake Johnston, Research Associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, provides background on elections in Haiti, focusing on how the 2010 elections set the stage for the current crisis.
-Jacqueline Charles, Caribbean Correspondent of Miami Herald, discusses the main issues in the current elections, and the challenges she faces in reporting on elections.
-Wesley Lainé, IJDH Legal Intern, analyzes the décharge issue which has disqualified a few candidates. This includes the controversial disqualification of Jacky Lumarque, former coordinator of a presidential commission on education.
-Question and Answer Session
Click HERE for the full text.
What is going on at the Haiti-Dominican Republic border and why is it such a big deal? In this interview, Rodline Louijeune, an Ella Baker Legal Intern at IJDH, discusses what she witnessed in a delegation to the border at the end of June. She also explains why, despite many arguments to the contrary, forced expulsions and retroactively stripping citizenship from hundreds of thousands of people are both illegal.BNN News Interviews Rodline Louijeune, IJDH
July 21, 2015
Click HERE for the original recording.
In new internal Red Cross documents released by ProPublica and NPR on their continued investigation into the spending of post-quake aid, lack of oversight and slow response are outlined as main contributors to why the Red Cross is unaware of where the nearly $500 million has gone. Of the half a billion dollars raised, a large portion was passed on to other groups contributing to aid in Haiti. However, the Red Cross kept almost no oversight of these groups, at least one of which has been proven to have mismanaged funding. Due to a lack of assessment of the effectiveness of projects and poor management from American Red Cross headquarters in Washington, D.C., the spending has not been tracked, leaving everyone to wonder where the donations have gone.Confidential Documents: Red Cross Itself May Not Know How Millions Donated for Haiti were spent
Justin Elliot, ProPublica, and Laura Sullivan, NPR
July 21, 2015
The American Red Cross is under pressure this week to answer detailed questions from Congress about the spending of nearly half a billion dollars it raised after the 2010 Haiti earthquake.
But internal documents newly obtained by ProPublica and NPR call into question whether the Red Cross itself has an accurate accounting of how money was spent.
The reports, assessments from 2012 of some of the group’s health and water projects, conclude that the charity failed to properly track its own spending, oversee projects, or even know whether or not they were successful. The documents also cast doubt on the accuracy of the Red Cross’ public claims about how many Haitians the group has helped.
An internal evaluation of one of the group’s water and sanitation projects found there was “no correct process for monitoring project spending.”
Another report concluded that the Red Cross’ figures on the number of people helped in a hygiene promotion project were “fairly meaningless.”
The findings parallel ProPublica and NPR’s earlier reporting about the Red Cross’ troubled Haiti program. The group has so far not given details of how it spent the almost $500 million in donations for Haiti.
Asked about the internal reports and what the Red Cross did in response to the concerns they raised, spokesperson Suzy DeFrancis said in an email that the group would no longer respond to questions from ProPublica and NPR. (Read the email.)
The consultant who wrote one of the evaluations, Bonnie Kittle, told us the Red Cross followed up by hiring her to train staff in Haiti how to work more effectively.
Click HERE for the full article.
Last month, the Red Cross came under fire after an investigation revealed severe mismanagement of about $500 million donated to the organization after Haiti’s 2010 earthquake. Now, the Red Cross faces even more scrutiny as Congress demands detailed replies to questions the Red Cross may not be able to answer about where all that money went. Internal Red Cross reports reveal that the organization often failed to monitor spending, oversee projects, and even monitor projects’ success, despite the organization’s public claims of success in Haiti. Experts blame the mismanagement on incompetence in the areas where the Red Cross was supposed to help, and overly centralized decision-making.Documents Show Red Cross May Not Know How It Spent Millions In Haiti
Justin Elliott, NPR
July 21, 2015
The American Red Cross is under pressure this week to answer detailed questions from Congress about how it spent the nearly half-billion dollars it raised after the 2010 earthquake in Haiti.
Some of those answers might be difficult to come by. New documents obtained by NPR and ProPublica reveal that the Red Cross may not have an accurate accounting of how all the money was spent.
The reports — internal assessments from 2012 of the group’s health and water projects — found the charity failed in many cases to monitor its own spending, oversee its projects and even know whether the projects were successful. The documents also cast doubt on the accuracy of some of the Red Cross’ public claims of success.
One report found the Red Cross had “no correct process for monitoring project spending.”
Another pointed to $10 million the charity gave to other nonprofits to fight the spread of cholera. The review found the Red Cross did not evaluate any of the work by these other nonprofits, did not seem to know if any of the objectives had been achieved and wasn’t aware that one of the nonprofits mismanaged its funds.
The review concludes: “It is too late to tend to this.”
“It is very heartbreaking,” says Bonnie Kittle, who was one of the independent reviewers hired by the Red Cross and author of one of the reports. She described her findings in an interview with NPR: “The only real advantage that the American Red Cross had over other organizations was that it had this huge amount of money. Otherwise it was very handicapped.”
The Red Cross declined NPR and ProPublica’s request for comment on the reports. In a statement, Red Cross spokeswoman Suzy DeFrancis said NPR and ProPublica have “mischaracterized” the Red Cross’ work, stating “we will no longer respond to your requests.”
The findings parallel NPR and ProPublica’s earlier reporting about the Red Cross’ troubled efforts to help Haiti recover from the 2010 earthquake. The charity has so far declined to explain how the almost $500 million was spent, what programs it ran and what its expenses were.
In explaining the troubles in its Haiti program, the Red Cross haspreviously cited the challenges of operating in one of the world’s poorest countries, particularly confusion over land ownership and title.
But the internal assessments also lay blame on American Red Cross headquarters in Washington. The report on health projects found: “In large part because of the centralized decision-making, most if not all of the directly implemented projects in Haiti arebehind schedule.”
The report also found that Red Cross figures about how many people it claims to have helped on one project were “fairly meaningless.”
Kittle says the Red Cross provided Haitians with important skills and Red Cross workers on the ground were passionate and dedicated. She also says local Red Cross managers in Haiti implemented training after her report to try to correct some of the problems.
Additionally, according to one report, one aspect of the Red Cross’ response went well — a hygiene promotion project that was already underway and was quickly refocused on battling cholera: “The rapid scale up of cholera prevention activities in the camps likely helped save many lives.”
But overall, Kittle says the Red Cross was unable to shift from its expertise — emergency relief — to rebuilding in a developing country and was unable to properly manage the programs it implemented. She pointed to one $24 million neighborhood project in Campeche, a neighborhood on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince, where residents were once promised new homes but have not received them.
“It’s really easy to be very disappointed when you hear those numbers — the amounts of money,” she says. “And the little it seems that they were able to accomplish.”
According to the reports, many of the managers had little meaningful interaction with local residents. One senior manager couldn’t speak French or Creole, hindering efforts to interact with the community. One report found turnover was so high among senior staff that at one point 20 out of 24 managers in Haiti decided not to renew their contracts.
Francois Pierre-Louis, an associate professor at Queens College in New York who works closely with community organizations in Haiti, says the findings in the reports echo many of the complaints he has heard as well. He says reading through the reports shocked him.
“Given the expertise of the American Red Cross and given the amount of money that it had, they were so incompetent,” he says. “One of the things you can see in these reports … I don’t see anywhere where they had community meetings to ask the local organizations, ‘How can we do this differently?’”
U.S. Sen. Charles Grassley has asked the Red Cross to respond by Wednesday to more than a dozen detailed questions about how it spent the money in Haiti and what exactly that money achieved.Copyright 2015 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.Click HERE for the original article.
In the years following the earthquake, Haiti has been on the receiving end of a massive amount of aid. However, despite the efforts of the many thousands of NGOs, non-profits, and governmental groups in Haiti, much of the philanthropy has not been sustainable or successful due to fast growth and lack of direction. Groups such as The Haiti Fund of the Boston Foundation have found that funding grassroots organizations who will demand accountability, and placing Haitians and diaspora in leadership roles, produces lasting results.Big and Fast is Not Better
Daniel Moss, Stanford Social Innovation Review
July 20, 2015
With questions surfacing in the media about the Red Cross’ housing program and Sean Penn rising to the organization’s defense, the debate about how best to help Haiti is in full swing. And this is before the press on Hillary Clinton’s campaign scrutinizes her foundation’s multi-million dollar investments in Haiti’s recovery from the 2010 earthquake.
The Haiti Fund of the Boston Foundation was born the day after that quake, a time of great torment but potential promise as well. Without careful rethinking, we knew aid could worsen social and economic inequalities, just as it has in previous disasters. Over five years, the Haiti Fund granted over $2 million to more than 100 Haitian grassroots organizations. Big and fast? Slow and steady? National staff or foreign consultants? We spent much time chewing on these difficult choices.
The Haiti Fund began its work in a noisy auditorium, debating principles of reconstruction to guide development, among a broad coalition of Haitian organizations (from the island and the diaspora) and the National Association of Haitian Elected Officials Network. Former Massachusetts State Representative and Haiti Fund Chair Marie St. Fleur took those principles of transparency and social inclusion to the floor of the United Nations. They guided the fund’s decisions about which grassroots organizations to support over the course of five years.
Our co-founders at the Boston Foundation asked: How can we ensure that the Haitian community leads the fund? To stay true to its principles of accountability to Haitians and strengthening Haitian leadership, it would have to make decisions differently. Who better to lead the fund than the Haitian diaspora community right here in Boston?
Click HERE for the original article.
Récemment, l’Union européen et l’Organisation des Etats américains ont commencé leurs missions d’observations pour les prochains élections en Haïti. Selon ces organisations et le gouvernement haïtien, leur rôle dans les élections est l’observation et la surveillance, comme ils ont fait pendant les derniers élections en 2010. Cependant, à cause de l’échec et de la corruption des derniers élections, les missions ont perdu leur crédibilité et donnent la question, quel est la vraie raison pour leur présence?
Partie de l’article est ci-dessous. Cliquez ICI pour le texte original.Peu crédibles, les missions d’observations reviennent
Louis-Joseph Olivier, Le Nouvelliste
20 juillet 2015
Après les révélations accablantes sur le comportement des observateurs internationaux durant les élections de 2010, la communauté internationale en Haïti revient sur la pointe des pieds. L’OEA et l’UE en premier se dotent d’un protocole d’accord avec le gouvernement Martelly/Paul pour observer les prochaines joutes.
« La mission d’observation électorale de l’UE est indépendante de toute institution de l’UE ou de ses États membres. Elle est soumise à un code de conduite qui ne permet aucune ingérence dans le processus, impose sa neutralité et le respect des lois d’Haïti », ce sont les déclarations de Manuela Riccio, chargée d’affaires de l’Union européenne en Haïti. Madame Riccio a donné ces garanties après la signature d’un protocole d’accord avec le Premier ministre Évans Paul sur l’observation du processus électoral par une mission de l’instance européenne.
L’Union européenne ainsi que l’Organisation des États américains (OEA) ont officiellement déployé leur mission d’observation électorale en Haïti. Cette fois, c’est le président de la République lui-même qui a invité les organismes internationaux à venir observer le processus électoral et le déroulement des scrutins. Et un protocole d’accord a été signé avec ces deux institutions.
Cliquez ICI pour le texte complet.
This is part of the National Week of Action against the current citizenship crisis in the Dominican Republic.
The Riverside Church of NYC
91 Claremont Avenue, Room 430 MLK
Sunday July 19, 2015
The ongoing citizenship crisis in the Dominican Republic has sparked various responses among Massachusetts politicians. They must find the balance between acting on their opinions, their constituents’ demands and the good of the greater international community. For some, this issue is much more personal; State Senator Linda Dorcena Forry, for example, was born to Haitian parents who immigrated to the U.S. For Dorcena Forry and others, the response is clear: boycott the DR to pressure the Dominican government into ending the humanitarian crisis. However, other politicians argue that a boycott will hurt the Dominican economy and the Dominican population living in the U.S. This source of opposition may be decisive in future elections.
Click HERE for the original article.Caribbean issue divides Mass. lawmakers
Maria Sacchetti, The Boston Globe
July 18, 2015
State Representative Frank Moran and Senator Linda Dorcena Forry are almost always on the same team. They are Democrats and the children of immigrants whose families hail from the same small island in the Caribbean.
So when Dorcena Forry called for a boycott on travel to the Dominican Republic amid fears that the nation planned to deport thousands of residents of Haitian descent, she naturally turned to Moran for support. But he refused. Moran was born in the Dominican Republic, the state senator’s parents are from Haiti.
“I totally disagree with her,” he said. “We need to find a solution, not to add more fuel to the fire.”
Dominicans and Haitians are among the largest immigrant communities in Massachusetts, and over the years they have built alliances on issues such as education, immigration, and jobs. But now the conflict roiling the Dominican Republic is testing those loyalties and pushing Massachusetts politicians to take sides in the international fray.
In Boston, tensions escalated in recent weeks amid widespread confusion over the effect of the Dominican Republic’s plans for enforcing its immigration laws. Dorcena Forry said she received death threats after she called for the travel boycott last month. On July 9, dozens of flag-waving protesters on both sides clashed in front of the Dominican consulate in Boston. The next day, Boston Mayor Martin J. Walsh called a special meeting to say he did not support the boycott, after an aide had publicly said he did.
In a highly unusual move, this week a Dominican diplomat, Dominico Cabral, attacked Massachusetts politicians who support the boycott. In comments to Spanish-language media here and overseas, he called the travel boycott a “dirty campaign” that would hurt Dorcena Forry and others with Dominican-American voters. Massachusetts is home to more than 120,000 people of Dominican descent, including immigrants and their US-born children, and 77,000 Haitian-Americans, according to the census.
“We’re going to make the difference in the next elections,” Cabral, the former consul general in Boston, said in an interview. “And if she persists in this, she’s going to lose. And the mayor, too.”
Dominican officials insist that nobody has been deported from the country since late 2013, after their nation’s highest court, reinterpreting a constitutional provision, ruled that Dominican-born children of undocumented immigrants were not entitled to citizenship. The ruling effectively revoked the citizenship of as many as 200,000 native-born Dominicans, mainly children of Haitian immigrants to the Dominican Republic. The order was retroactive to 1929. Amid international outcry, the country passed a law allowing those affected to apply for citizenship.
Separately, also in response to the court ruling, the president cleared the way for people in the country illegally to apply for legal residency by June 17 or face possible deportation. The deadline reignited the international debate and generated fears of deportations, even for those born in the country.
“No one born in the Dominican Republic will be deported,” Jose Tomas Perez , the Dominican ambassador to the United States, wrote in a July 11 column in El Nuevo Herald.
But lawyers and others say the situation is more complex. They say the citizenship application process is so bureaucratic — demanding notarized documents that many native-born Dominicans do not have — that most have been shut out. About 55,000 native-born Dominicans with foreign parents have been approved, while another 9,000 applications are pending.
“We need to find a solution, not to add more fuel to the fire,” said Rep. Frank Moran, who opposes the boycott.
US Senator Edward J. Markey called the application process “overly burdensome” in a letter to the State Department earlier this month, and Secretary of State John Kerry expressed similar concerns in a statement. US Senator Elizabeth Warren did not respond to requests for comment.
Wade McMullen, managing attorney at the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights, a Washington nonprofit representing stateless Dominicans, said many people of Haitian descent fear they will face deportation once the controversy dies down.
“Many of them are multigeneration Dominican. They only speak Spanish,” he said. Haitians speak French or Creole. “They have never been outside of the country. They’ve never traveled to Haiti.”
And although Dominican officials say nobody has been deported, media reports have documented some deportations, and tens of thousands of people have left on their own accord, some fearing violence if they don’t. In his letter to the State Department, Markey said the Dominican government was “brazenly” encouraging the departures by providing free rides to the border.
“This is a humanitarian crisis,” said Dorcena Forry, the Boston-born daughter of Haitian immigrants and the only Haitian-American lawmaker on Beacon Hill. “We get that the Dominican Republic is a sovereign nation,” she said, but she believes authorities there should not strip citizenship from native-born residents. “That is the big piece that everyone has concerns with.”
Cabral, the former Boston consul, said the Dominican Republic is simply trying to bring order to its immigration laws after years of lax enforcement. After the 2010 earthquake, he noted, the Dominican Republic allowed many Haitians to enter.
He said officials are concerned that escaped prisoners also slipped across the border, adding to the need to register immigrants.
In Massachusetts, the debate is testing immigrants and their children — particularly lawmakers such as Dorcena Forry and Moran, who straddle two worlds. They are bilingual and speak English with Boston accents, and are far more familiar with Massachusetts.
Former Boston lawmaker Marie St. Fleur, a Haitian-American who favors the boycott, said many immigrants and their children do not know the long history between the countries. Dominicans have recruited Haitians to work there for over a century, but many were often mistreated. One horrific example was the 1937 massacre of thousands of Haitians by Dominican soldiers.
In 2010, the Dominican Republic amended its constitution to bar Dominican-born children of illegal immigrants from obtaining citizenship. In the United States, people born in the country are citizens at birth.
“There needs to be a better job of pulling people together, and having conversations and really sharing the history so that it’s about fixing the problem,” St. Fleur said.
Moran, the state representative from Lawrence, said he has struggled over the conflict in recent weeks. Though his city is largely Dominican-American, he left the Dominican Republic when he was 8. He read news reports about what’s happening in his home country and called his father for guidance. “I am trying to defend something I don’t know,” he said.
After some research, Moran decided to remain neutral. He said the Dominican Republic has the right to set its immigration policies, but he did not approve of deporting people who were born in the country.
And he definitely does not support a travel boycott, which he said could hurt the Dominican Republic and businesses in cities such as Lawrence.
“I’m not taking any sides in this. I want to find a solution,” said Moran. “I don’t want to be part of the problem.”
Click HERE for the original article.
Wesley Lainé, Legal Fellow at the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, provides an in-depth analysis of the impact of the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP, for Conseil Électoral Provisoire)’s decision to exclude candidates from the 2015 elections, based on the lack of a décharge.
Part of the briefing paper is below. Click HERE to read the full text.
The CEP and Elections in Haiti: Décharge Is the Price of the Ticket
Wesley Lainé, Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti
July 17, 2015
“The biggest story so far in Haiti’s 2015 election process is the exclusion of fourteen out of seventy presidential candidates—many of them prominent figures—most for lack of an audit certificate, known in French as a décharge. The exclusions have been met with predictable criticism from the disqualified candidates and their supporters, but they also raise broader questions about the fairness of the elections scheduled for this year.”
Click HERE to read the full text.